The contemporary landscape of Islamic thought and leadership is characterized by a profound and unprecedented fragmentation of authority. The historical centralization of religious interpretation—once the purview of established seminaries (Madrasas) and the class of scholars (Ulama)—has given way to a digitized, globalized marketplace of ideas. Authority is claimed not only by those with deep textual mastery but also by charismatic preachers, digital influencers, political activists, and academic reformers.
The report identifies four primary clusters of authority:
Secular and Liberty-Based Reformists: Figures who advocate for a separation of mosque and state, viewing "Political Islam" as an aberration.
Progressive and Rationalist Theologians: Scholars who engage deeply with scripture but employ hermeneutics that prioritize ethical beauty, human rights, and gender equality over classical jurisprudence.
Neo-Traditionalists and Spiritual Influencers: Leaders who emphasize personal piety, mental health, and a return to metaphysical tradition, often eschewing direct political radicalism while maintaining social conservatism.
Islamists and Political Revivalists: Thinkers who view Islam as a comprehensive socio-political system capable of and mandated to govern the state.
To understand the diversity of voices within the modern Muslim world, one must first recognize the underlying structural tensions that define the playing field. The primary axis of contention revolves around the relationship between the Islamic Tradition and Modernity. This is not merely a debate about whether to use modern technology, but a fundamental disagreement about the relevance of pre-modern legal codes (Fiqh) in the 21st century.
Historically, the Ulama served as the custodians of the law. However, the post-colonial period, the rise of mass literacy, and the digital revolution have eroded this monopoly. Today, a "Crisis of Authority" exists where a lay intellectual like Irshad Manji can challenge the interpretative monopoly of a Grand Mufti like Taqi Usmani. This democratization of interpretation has led to a vibrant, albeit chaotic, marketplace where "Shop-front Islam"—tailored to individual needs—competes with established orthodoxy.
This category includes figures who explicitly position themselves against "Political Islam" (Islamism). They often advocate for a separation of mosque and state that mirrors Western secularism, arguing that the politicization of Islam is a modern corruption of the faith rather than a divine mandate. Their primary audience is often Western policymakers, security establishments, and Muslims seeking a faith strictly compatible with liberal democracy.
Dr. M. Zuhdi Jasser: The Patriot-Reformer and the Separation of Mosque and State
Jasser represents the sharpest edge of the "anti-Islamist" wedge within the American Muslim community. A physician by training and the son of Syrian immigrants who fled the Baathist regime, Jasser founded the American Islamic Forum for Democracy (AIFD) in 2003. His ideology is distinct in that it fuses Islamic identity with ardent American nationalism.
The Theological Argument Against the "Islamic State"
Jasser’s central thesis is that the very concept of an "Islamic State" is anathema to the true spiritual essence of Islam. Unlike progressives who might reinterpret Sharia to be compatible with modern rights, Jasser argues that any attempt to codify religion into state law inevitably leads to tyranny and hypocrisy. He posits that Islam is a personal relationship with the Divine, intended to guide the individual's moral compass, not the state's penal code.
He defines "Islamism" (or Political Islam) not as a legitimate interpretation of the faith, but as a separatist, supremacist ideology that seeks to impose a specific version of faith on society. In his view, Islamists have hijacked the faith, and the "silent majority" of Muslims are held hostage by organized Islamist groups that claim to speak for them.
The Muslim Reform Movement
In December 2015, Jasser and a coalition of like-minded figures launched the Muslim Reform Movement (MRM). They released a "Declaration for Muslim Reform," which functions as a litmus test for modern Islamic leadership. The declaration explicitly supports:
Secular governance (separation of religion and state).
Religious pluralism and the right to leave Islam (apostasy).
Gender equality in all aspects, including inheritance and court testimony.
The unconditional recognition of Israel’s right to exist.
Patriotism as Religious Duty
Uniquely, Jasser embraces American patriotism as a religious virtue. He argues that the US Constitution, with its guarantees of religious freedom and individual liberty, provides the ideal environment for the practice of Islam—better, in fact, than any so-called "Muslim country." He has stated that Muslims are "long overdue for an ideological counter-jihad" against the leaders who promote radicalization.
Controversy and Reception
Jasser’s willingness to testify at controversial government hearings—such as Rep. Peter King’s 2011 hearings on homegrown Islamic terrorism—has alienated him from mainstream American Muslim organizations like the Council on American-Islamic Relations (CAIR) or the Islamic Society of North America (ISNA). His detractors label him an "enabler" of Islamophobia or a "native informant" for the security state, citing his association with hawkish think tanks. Conversely, his supporters view him as a courageous whistleblower speaking uncomfortable truths that community leaders wish to ignore.
Maajid Nawaz: From Radical to Counter-Extremist
As a former member of the revolutionary Islamist group Hizb ut-Tahrir, Nawaz spent his youth recruiting for the establishment of a global caliphate. His imprisonment in Egypt (2001–2006) led to a profound ideological reversal, transforming him into one of the world's most vocal critics of Islamism.
The Theology of Citizenship
Nawaz argues for a "British Islam" (or Western Islam generally) that is rooted in democratic values and the social contract. After his release, he co-founded the Quilliam Foundation (active 2008–2021), a think tank dedicated to counter-extremism. Quilliam’s methodology involved challenging Islamist narratives intellectually, arguing that the grievances of Muslims (such as foreign policy or discrimination) were being exploited by extremists to push a totalitarian agenda.
The "Regressive Left" and Israel
Nawaz has been a fierce critic of what he terms the "regressive left"—liberal political factions that, in the name of multiculturalism, tolerate Islamist intolerance (such as homophobia or misogyny). He argues that this "soft bigotry of low expectations" abandons reformist Muslims who are fighting for human rights within their communities.
Furthermore, Nawaz opposes the demonization of Israel. He distinguishes sharply between criticism of Israeli government policy and anti-Zionism, which he often conflates with antisemitism. He has argued that opposition to Israel has become "the mother of all virtue-signals" for Islamists and the far-left, distracting from internal Muslim problems.
Irshad Manji: The Moral Courage Approach
Irshad Manji, a Canadian educator and author, represents a more lay-oriented, feminist critique of Islamic orthodoxy. Unlike Jasser (who focuses on politics) or Nawaz (who focuses on security), Manji focuses on dogma and cultural stagnation.
Project Ijtihad
Manji advocates for a revival of Ijtihad (independent reasoning), urging Muslims to question everything, including the Quran itself. In her book "The Trouble with Islam Today," she challenges the "tribal" mentality that she argues silences dissent within the community. Her approach is less textual/legalistic and more philosophical/ethical, emphasizing "moral courage" to break taboos regarding antisemitism, homophobia, and the treatment of women.
She contrasts her approach with Jasser’s; while both seek reform, Jasser operates within a policy/security framework, whereas Manji operates within a cultural/educational framework, focusing on how Muslim children are taught to view the "Other".
Moving inward from the secular fringe, we find the Progressive scholars. Unlike the secular reformists who often discard the tradition or view it as secondary to secular law, Progressives engage deeply with the text (Quran and Sunnah). They use sophisticated hermeneutics to argue that "true" Islam is inherently egalitarian, democratic, and human-rights oriented. Their goal is not to abandon the Sharia, but to reclaim it from authoritarian interpretations.
Khaled Abou El Fadl: The Usuli Ethical Scholar
Dr. Khaled Abou El Fadl, a classically trained jurist and Professor of Law at UCLA, stands as the intellectual titan of the progressive wing. He identifies as an "Usuli"—referring to Usul al-Fiqh (Principles of Jurisprudence). He argues that modern authoritarian interpretations (specifically Wahhabism/Salafism) have corrupted the "Search for Beauty" that characterizes the classical tradition.
Authoritarianism vs. Authoritativeness
Abou El Fadl’s core theological contribution is the distinction between the authority of God (which is absolute) and the authoritarianism of humans who claim to speak for God. He argues that the Quran is a text that requires human engagement to be realized. When a reader interprets the text, they bring their own morality and conscience to it. Therefore, any interpretation that leads to ugliness, injustice, or cruelty cannot be attributed to the Divine; it is a failure of the human interpreter.
Reclaiming Sharia
In his major work, "Reasoning with God: Reclaiming Shari'ah in the Modern Age," Abou El Fadl posits that Sharia is not a static set of medieval laws, but a fluid, ethical methodology for seeking the Divine Will. He is a fierce critic of the "Puritan" influence (Saudi Wahhabism), which he describes as a modern aberration that stripped Islam of its diverse, humanistic, and intellectual heritage.
He rejects the label "liberal" if it implies Western secularism, insisting his values are derived indigenously from the Quran. However, his conclusions—championing democracy, absolute gender equality, and the rights of minorities—align closely with modern human rights discourse. He argues that justice is the supreme value of the Quran, and any Hadith or legal ruling that contradicts justice must be re-evaluated.
Amina Wadud: The Gender Jihadist
Amina Wadud is the preeminent figure in Islamic feminism. Her work represents a paradigm shift from "apologetic" feminism (which argues Islam gave women rights 1400 years ago but stops there) to a "hermeneutical" feminism that confronts patriarchal readings of the text head-on.
The Tawhidic Paradigm
Wadud’s central theological contribution is the Tawhidic Paradigm. She argues that Tawhid (the Oneness of God) implies that God is unique and superior to all creation. Therefore, no human being can be superior to another, as that would violate the horizontal equality established by God’s vertical superiority. Consequently, patriarchy is a form of Shirk (associating partners with God) because it elevates men to a status of authority that belongs only to the Divine.
"Inside the Gender Jihad"
In her seminal work "Inside the Gender Jihad," Wadud details the struggle to establish female authority in Islam. She gained global notoriety in 2005 for leading a mixed-gender Friday prayer in New York, a ritual act traditionally reserved for men. This act was a practical application of her theology: if women are spiritually equal, there is no ontological reason they cannot lead prayer.
Her hermeneutic allows her to say "no" to a literal reading of the Quran if it violates the essence of divine justice. For example, regarding verse 4:34 (often interpreted to allow wife-beating), she refuses to accept it as a binding command for all time, arguing it was a restriction of a pre-existing cultural practice that must now be transcended to fulfill the Quran’s trajectory of justice.
Javed Ahmed Ghamidi: The South Asian Rationalist
Javed Ahmed Ghamidi represents a unique strain of "Islamic Modernism" rooted in the Indian Subcontinent’s intellectual history (the Farahi-Islahi school). He is not "progressive" in the Western academic sense—he does not cite Foucault or feminism—but arrives at liberal-adjacent conclusions through a strict, hyper-rationalist textualism.
The Epistemological Break: Quran vs. Hadith
Ghamidi’s most controversial stance is his rigorous distinction between the Deen (Religion) and historical records.
Primary Sources: The Deen is contained entirely in the Quran and the Sunnah (religious practices established by the Prophet and transmitted continuously by the community, like prayer and pilgrimage). These are absolute and certain (Qat'i).
Secondary Sources: Hadith (narrations attributed to the Prophet) are "historical records" (Akhbar Ahad). They are not an independent source of law. They cannot add to the Quran, subtract from it, or abrogate it. They can only explain it.
Theological Implications
This methodology allows Ghamidi to dismantle the theological justifications for many harsh laws without rejecting Islam itself:
Punishments: He argues that the Quranic punishments (like hand-chopping) were specific to the context of the Prophet’s time or require such high evidentiary standards that they are practically inapplicable. He rejects the punishment of stoning for adultery (Rajm) entirely, as it is based on Hadith and contradicts the Quranic prescription of lashes.
Apostasy: He argues there is no worldly punishment for apostasy in Islam; faith is a matter of free will.
Eschatology: He rejects the belief in the coming of the Mahdi or the return of Jesus, arguing these are Christian corruptions that entered Islamic thought through Hadith and have no basis in the Quran.
Ghamidi’s rationalism has made him a target for extremists in Pakistan. He lived in self-imposed exile for years due to death threats, yet he maintains a massive following among the educated urban middle class who seek a version of Islam compatible with modern governance and logic.
Adnan Ibrahim: The Intellectual Provocateur
Dr. Adnan Ibrahim, a Palestinian-Austrian scholar, functions as a "shock jock" of Islamic theology. With a massive YouTube following, he utilizes an encyclopedic memory and rhetorical flair to deconstruct Sunni orthodoxy, often blurring the lines between Sunni and Shia thought.
Deconstructing History
Ibrahim is famous for his revisionist history of the early Islamic period. He heavily criticizes certain Companions of the Prophet (most notably Muawiyah) whom he blames for turning the Caliphate into a hereditary monarchy and corrupting the pristine justice of the Prophet’s era. This draws the ire of traditional Sunnis who hold the doctrine of Adalat al-Sahaba (the collective probity of all Companions).
Science and Reason
Ibrahim is one of the few traditional-garbed scholars who fully accepts the theory of biological evolution, arguing it is compatible with the Quranic account of creation. He champions reason (Aql) over blind imitation (Taqlid), urging Muslims to embrace modern science and philosophy. However, his intellectual output is sometimes erratic; while progressive on science and women, he has at times promoted conspiracy theories regarding Western science "stealing" Islamic heritage or strange claims about perpetual energy, leading some to view him as a sensationalist rather than a systematic reformer.
This segment represents the "pop-culture" of Islamic leadership—the "Yasmine" end of the user’s spectrum. These figures command millions of followers on social media. Their primary focus is not legal reform or political revolution, but personal piety, mental health, and identity formation. They provide a "safe," digestible Islam that fits into the lifestyle of a modern Western Muslim.
Yasmin Mogahed: The Psycho-Spiritual Guide
Yasmin Mogahed is arguably the most influential female speaker in the Western English-speaking Muslim world. A graduate in psychology and journalism, she has pioneered a genre of Islamic teaching that blends spiritual theology with self-help psychology.
The Theology of "Reclaiming the Heart"
Mogahed’s core message revolves around the concept of attachment. In her best-selling book "Reclaim Your Heart," she argues that human suffering stems from attaching the heart to the temporary world (Dunya) rather than the eternal Divine.
Apolitical Spirituality: Unlike Wadud or Jasser, Mogahed rarely engages in overt political controversy or complex legal debates. Her discourse is universally resonant, dealing with heartbreak, depression, marriage, and self-worth. This makes her accessible to a wide variety of Muslims, from the very conservative to the non-practicing.
Traditional Gender Roles: While she is a visible public leader, Mogahed generally upholds traditional gender complementarity rather than feminist equality. She speaks often on the spiritual rewards of motherhood and being a righteous wife, which resonates with conservative women but draws criticism from progressives who view her as reinforcing patriarchal norms under the guise of spiritual empowerment.
Impact: She represents the "Self-Help Islam" phenomenon. Her teachings provide psychological resilience tools using Islamic terminology, effectively bridging the gap between secular therapy and religious preaching.
Omar Suleiman: The Activist-Scholar
Imam Omar Suleiman, founder of the Yaqeen Institute for Islamic Research, represents the new generation of American leadership that fuses scholarship with activism.
The "Doubts" Methodology
Suleiman founded Yaqeen Institute to address the "crisis of doubt" among young Muslims. Yaqeen produces academic-style papers that tackle controversial topics (evolution, women’s rights, concubinage, violence) with the aim of reconciling orthodox theology with modern sensibilities. The goal is to "inoculate" Muslim youth against atheism and liberalism while maintaining the core tenets of Sunni orthodoxy.
Social Justice Activism
Suleiman is heavily involved in US civil rights activism, famously marching with Black Lives Matter protesters and getting arrested at protests for immigrant rights (DACA). He frames this activism not as liberal politics, but as a revival of the Prophet’s Hilf al-Fudul (Alliance of Virtues)—a pre-Islamic pact where the Prophet joined with pagans to defend the rights of the oppressed.
This dual role creates a tension: he is often attacked by the "Madkhali" Salafis for his protests and interfaith work, and attacked by the Right-wing media as a "radical" for his support of Palestine, while Progressives sometimes critique Yaqeen’s conservative theological conclusions on LGBTQ+ issues.
Suhaib Webb and the "Third Space"
Imam Suhaib Webb, a white convert to Islam with training from Al-Azhar, represents the "Third Space" movement—creating environments (often digital or community centers) that are culturally American yet religiously Muslim. Webb uses humor, pop-culture references (hip-hop, SnapChat), and approachable language to demystify Islamic law for the average American Muslim. Like Suleiman, he navigates the "mainstream" center, advocating for civic engagement and a moderate, contextualized practice of Islam.
Between the Progressives and the Islamists lies a powerful intellectual movement known as Neo-Traditionalism. This movement seeks to revive the classical scholarly heritage of Islam (Ash'ari theology, Maliki/Shafi'i jurisprudence, and Ghazalian Sufism) as a counterweight to both modern secularism and the "anti-intellectualism" of Salafism/Islamism.
Hamza Yusuf: The Sage of the West
Sheikh Hamza Yusuf (born Mark Hanson) is the defining figure of this movement. As the co-founder of Zaytuna College (the first accredited Muslim liberal arts college in the US), he aims to create a generation of scholars who are grounded in the Western humanities and the Islamic tradition.
The Critique of Modernity
Yusuf’s intellectual project is deeply skeptical of modernity. Drawing on European conservative philosophers, he views the modern age as "disenchanted" and spiritually hollow. He argues that Muslims must recover the "metaphysical" worldview of the pre-modern era, where every action was connected to the Divine.
The "Sanad" (Chain of Transmission): Central to his authority is the concept of Sanad. He emphasizes that true knowledge can only be acquired through an unbroken chain of teachers going back to the Prophet, rejecting the "do-it-yourself" Islam of both Salafis and Reformists.
Political Quietism and the "Peace Forum"
In recent years, Yusuf has shifted toward political quietism. He argues that political agitation (such as the Arab Spring revolutions) often leads to Fitna (chaos) and bloodshed, which is worse than tyranny. This has led him to cooperate with the UAE government’s "Forum for Promoting Peace in Muslim Societies," a move that drew fierce criticism from activists who accused him of legitimizing autocrats and betraying the "oppressed" for the sake of "stability".
The Anti-Woke Stance: Yusuf has become an increasingly vocal critic of "woke" leftist politics, gender identity movements, and secular liberalism. He positions traditional Islam as a natural ally to conservative Christians in the "Culture Wars," arguing that the preservation of the traditional family and gender roles is a civilizational imperative.
This section covers the "Orthodox" backbone of Sunni Islam, the groups that control the majority of mosques and seminaries globally.
Taqi Usmani: The Deobandi Grand Mufti
Mufti Taqi Usmani is the leading intellectual figure of the Deobandi movement, a revivalist Sunni school originating in British India. The Deobandis control thousands of seminaries globally (including the vast majority in the UK and South Asia) and are known for their rigid adherence to the Hanafi school of law.
Islamic Finance and Modernity
While the Deobandi movement is often associated with insularity (and in its extreme fringes, the Taliban), Usmani represents its highly sophisticated, globalized wing. He is arguably the world’s foremost authority on Islamic Finance, sitting on the Sharia boards of dozens of global banks and the Accounting and Auditing Organization for Islamic Financial Institutions (AAOIFI).
Usmani’s work attempts a difficult synthesis: adapting medieval contract law to modern global capitalism. He has been instrumental in designing Sukuk (Islamic bonds) and other instruments that allow Muslims to participate in the modern economy without violating the prohibition on Riba (interest). Critics, however, argue that his "Sharia-compliant" products are often just semantic workarounds that replicate conventional finance.
Social Conservatism
Despite his financial modernism, Usmani remains socially ultra-conservative. He upholds traditional rulings on gender segregation, the necessity of the veil, and the prohibition of music, representing the "Traditionalist" anchor against the waves of reform.
Yasir Qadhi: The Post-Salafi Pivot
Dr. Yasir Qadhi provides a fascinating case study of theological evolution. Educated in the Islamic University of Madinah (the citadel of Salafism) and Yale University (Western academia), Qadhi was once a hardline Salafi preacher. Over the last decade, he has publicly transitioned to a "Post-Salafi" position.
Critique of the Salafi Movement
Qadhi explicitly critiques the modern Salafi movement for its harshness, its obsession with minor theological details (like the "Attributes of God"), and its sectarianism. He argues that the Salafi insistence that they alone are the "Saved Sect" creates a cult-like mentality that fractures the Ummah.
Reunifying Sunnism: He advocates for a "big tent" Sunnism that accepts Ash'aris, Sufis, and Deobandis (whom Salafis traditionally consider deviants) as valid parts of the fold.
Intellectual Honesty: Qadhi is one of the few scholars to openly discuss the crisis of faith caused by the conflict between traditional narratives and modern science/history (e.g., the preservation of the Quran, the theory of evolution, the historicity of Yajuj and Majuj). He advocates for honest academic engagement rather than dogmatic denial, a stance that has earned him the label of a "sell-out" from hardliners and a "hero" from doubting youth.
Finally, we arrive at the "Qaradawi" end of the user’s spectrum: Political Islam. These figures view Islam not just as a religion, but as a political ideology (Islamism) capable of and mandated to govern the state.
Yusuf al-Qaradawi: The Global Mufti of the Brotherhood
Sheikh Yusuf al-Qaradawi (1926–2022) was the spiritual figurehead of the Muslim Brotherhood and arguably the most influential Sunni scholar of the late 20th century. His weekly show on Al Jazeera, "Sharia and Life," reached tens of millions of viewers.
Wassatiyya (The Middle Way)
Qaradawi championed the methodology of Wassatiyya. This should not be confused with "moderate" in the Western liberal sense. For Qaradawi, it meant balancing between:
Rigid literalism (Salafism) that ignores modern context.
Secularism that seeks to remove religion from public life.
Key Contributions and Controversies
Fiqh of Minorities (Fiqh al-Aqalliyyat): He revolutionized the legal framework for Muslims living in the West. He argued they should participate in democracy, vote, and integrate politically, while maintaining distinct Islamic identities. This was a radical departure from previous views that forbade living in "Lands of Disbelief".
The Theology of Resistance: While he condemned Al-Qaeda style global terrorism (like 9/11) as unlawful, he famously sanctioned Palestinian suicide bombings against Israelis, arguing that in a settler-colonial society with universal conscription, there are no "civilians." This dichotomy—moderate on governance/integration, radical on "resistance"—defines his complicated legacy.
The Islamic State: Unlike Jasser, Qaradawi believed the ultimate goal is an Islamic state. However, unlike ISIS, he believed this state should be achieved through ballot boxes, gradual social reform, and constitutional democracy (where Sharia is the source of legislation).
Khurshid Ahmad and Jamaat-e-Islami
Professor Khurshid Ahmad represents the South Asian counterpart to the Brotherhood: the Jamaat-e-Islami (JI) founded by Abul A'la Maududi.
Islamic Economics as Ideology
Ahmad is a pioneer of "Islamic Economics" as a distinct "third way" between Capitalism and Communism. He sought to create a modern welfare state based on Zakat (wealth tax) and the prohibition of interest. For the Jamaat, economics is not just policy; it is theology. They argue that Islam cannot be fully practiced without a state that enforces its economic and penal codes. Ahmad’s influence extends deep into Pakistan’s political machinery, where he served as a Senator and planning official.
Hidayat Nur Wahid and the PKS: Indonesian Post-Islamism
Hidayat Nur Wahid of Indonesia’s Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) illustrates the evolution of the Brotherhood model in Southeast Asia.
From Sharia to "Justice and Prosperity"
Under leaders like Wahid, the PKS transitioned from an explicitly Islamist platform calling for the imposition of Sharia law to a "clean government" platform focused on anti-corruption, professional competency, and service delivery.
Post-Islamism: This phenomenon is termed "Post-Islamism." The party accepted the Pancasila (Indonesia’s pluralist state philosophy) as the basis of the state, effectively de-radicalizing its political demands to survive and thrive in a democracy. Wahid argues that "Justice" is the essence of Sharia; therefore, a just state is an Islamic state, even if it doesn't carry the label. This pragmatic approach contrasts sharply with the rigid ideology of groups like Hizb ut-Tahrir.
Tariq Ramadan: The European Bridge
Tariq Ramadan, grandson of Muslim Brotherhood founder Hassan al-Banna, occupies a controversial space. He argues for a "European Islam" that is fully Western and fully Muslim.
Radical Reform and the Hudud Moratorium
Ramadan calls for a "Radical Reform" of Islamic law. His most famous proposal was a global moratorium on Hudud punishments (corporal punishment like stoning or hand-chopping). He argued that the conditions for their application (such as a just society where no one steals out of need) are impossible to meet today, so the punishments must be suspended. This angered traditionalists who saw it as abrogating God’s law, while secularists saw it as a "trick"—a temporary suspension rather than a rejection.
The Double-Speak Accusation: Critics accuse him of "Double Discourse"—using liberal language for Western audiences while signaling Islamist goals to Muslim audiences. However, his academic work consistently promotes a "Reformist" agenda that challenges both secular assimilation and Salafi isolationism.
Turkey offers a unique spectrum of authority where religion is often mediated through the state or powerful civil society movements.
Fethullah Gülen: Education as Faith
Fethullah Gülen (d. 2024) led the Hizmet movement, which focused on education and interfaith dialogue rather than direct political Islamism (initially). Gülen preached a "Stateless Islam" focused on service, science, and Turkish nationalism. However, the movement’s deep infiltration of the Turkish state led to a massive conflict with the Erdoğan government, resulting in its designation as a terrorist organization (FETÖ) by Turkey. Ideologically, Gülen represented a "Sufi-inflected" modernism that sought to demonstrate Islam’s compatibility with science and democracy, though its internal structure remained hierarchical and secretive.
The Diyanet: Bureaucratic Islam
The Diyanet (Directorate of Religious Affairs), led by figures like Ali Erbaş, represents "State Islam." Here, the sermon is standardized, the theology is Sunni-Hanafi but nationalist, and the ultimate authority is the state. This stands in contrast to the independent scholarly authority of a Qaradawi or the individualized authority of a Mogahed. The Diyanet projects Turkish soft power globally, building mosques and training Imams to ensure a version of Islam that is friendly to Turkish state interests.